독일어 능동 완료형과 수동형에 나타난 문법화 현상

초록

This paper investigates in three points the grammaticalization of the periphrastic verbal structures within the German Perfect and Passive: ‘haben+PP’, ‘sein+PP’ and ‘werden+PP’. The first one being of the grammatical relationship for ‘sein+PP’ between the perfect and the passive, the other one of the aspectual and frequency relationship between ‘sein+PP’ and ‘werden+PP’ in the passive, and the third one of the emergence and development of ‘haben+PP’ in the perfect. The actional or aspectual meaning of the passive construction in the early Germanic can be described as a binary opposition of the mutative and statal categories distributed over the ‘werden+PP’ and ‘sein+PP’ constructions. The auxiliarisation of the finite verbs leads to a widespread aspectual coverage of the werden-construction including durative-statal aspectuality, formerly expressed by the sein-construction. This process starts in the late Old High German period and reaches its full extent by the Middle High German for expressing passive meanings, then gradually leads to modern opposition between the werden- and sein-passives, in which only the latter retains the aspectual marking (+resultative), whereas the werden-passive aspectually unmarked. ‘Haben+PP’ comes from the static type analysed as a predicative construction for the object, and is later developed to the dynamic one in the Perfect on the basis of various evidence and comparison with the indirect passive. The static type is analysed as a predicative construction, whereas the dynamic type is subsumed under an extended concept of passive and considered to variant closely-related to that with werden.

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