Extraction from adjunct and relative clause islands in Korean

초록

This study investigates adjunct constraint (AC) and relative clause constraint (RCC) effects in Korean scrambling constructions using a factorial design that carefully controls relevant functional factors. Across two experiments, both AC-and RCC-violating sentences exhibited uniformly high acceptability, indicating that Korean permits extraction from these domains when functional well-formedness is ensured. Despite the overall high acceptability, RCC effects were still observed, whereas no AC effects emerged. Given previous reports of null RCC effects, the RCC effects found in this study may reflect residual functional influences- one possible source being a violation of the Backgrounded Constructions are Islands (BCI) constraint-though further research is required to determine their precise origin. Overall, the findings underscore the importance of controlling functional factors as rigorously as possible when applying the factorial definition of island effects.

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